EDITORIAL: Putin slithers Around Kadyrov


Putin slithers Around Kadyrov

No rational person, of course, could expect the malignant ruler of Russia, Vladimir Putin, to criticize the campaign of mass murder being waged by his hand-picked Frankenstein ruler in Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov.  After all, to publicy admit fault by Kadyrov would be to acknowledge his own failings as well.

But it’s one thing for Putin to avoid criticizing Kadyrov as he murders political enemies left and right, quite something else entirely to rush to Kadyrov’s defense. Yet that’s just what he did earlier this week, achieving yet another loathsome new low in the modern history of Russia.  We condemn his outrageous misconduct, and even more do we condemn the craven people of Russia for allowing this repugnant reptilian dictator to represent them before the gaping, slack-jawed world.

Putin praised Kadyrov’s father as a national hero of Russia, by implication saying the same thing about Kadyrov himself — a man who in fact Putin has officially designated to be such a hero.  In doing so, Putin spit on the graves of Natalia Estemirova and Anna Politkkovskaya and all the other thousands of innocent people laid waste by the bloodthirsty madman who rules Chechnya. 

In doing so, Putin sent a clear message to Kadyrov that his actions are acceptable to the Kremlin, even applauded, and encouraged him to continue until every last vestige of freedom is wiped out in Chechnya. Indeed, Putin likely sees Kadyrov’s behavior as model he himself can use in wider Russia. 

In so doing, Putin made it clear that Russia is complicit in Kadyrov’s actions, that Russia has the blood of civil rights martyrs on its hands.  No civilized nation can continue conducting normal relations with Putin’s Russia under these circumstances.

We demand that the leaders of the NATO countries take immediate action to transform their relations with Russia to a war footing.  Vladimir Putin is fighting a new cold war with the West, whether the West knows it or not.  He is taking his country backwards, and breakneck speed, to the time of Soviet oppression and horror, and he means to turn his attention to us after he is finished putting his own people through Stalin’s meat grinder.

If our leaders do not take immediate steps to prepare us for this threat, they will be condemned by history and deservedly so.

11 responses to “EDITORIAL: Putin slithers Around Kadyrov

  1. you guys from the western NATO-world simply must support the caucasian mujahideen,then russia will disintegrate automatically. The problem is,that you hate the caucasian muslims. But remember,two of your 28 NATO-countries are islamic as well: Turkey and Albania!

    • Actually, both the Turks and Albanians have long histories of resisting the more radical sects within Islam, long before either became politically engaged with the West. Albania is about 30% Christian, and if you’ve ever been there you’d see that there is an astonishing level of cooperation between the Muslim, Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christian Albanian communities. Albania does not have a history of state-sponsored religion — which often generates religious and/or political extremism — like Saudi Arabia or Russia. Modern Turkey, the republic, is very much a repudiation of the Ottoman past with its Sultan-as-caliph, and as many Turks have told me over the years, the tiny minority of Muslim extremists in Turkey are rejected and abhorred by the vast majority of Turks.

  2. My original comment, before I responded to the ill-informed fish guy above, was that we should expect as much from a guy like Putin who praises Stalin. Gangsters beget gangsters.

  3. you bastard are calling me an ill-informed fish-guy? your soul may rot in hell

  4. Prime Minister Vladimir Putin jetted into Chechnya on Monday to show support for Kadyrov, who faces strong criticism from human rights bodies after kidnappings and killings of human rights and charity activists in Chechnya. He denies any link to the killings.

    State television showed Putin and Kadyrov alighting from a military helicopter at Tsentoroi, the Kadyrov clan’s home village in the southeastern Chechen foothills.

    Surrounded by heavily armed guards in camouflage and with submachine guns, the two men laid a basket of red and white roses at the tombstone of Kadyrov’s father, Akhmad, who was killed in a bomb blast in 2004.

    “It is thanks to this courageous man that the war ended. He gave his life for Russia and Chechnya,” a somber Putin said, to a roar of helicopter gunships patrolling the area.

  5. MOSCOW (AP) — A human rights group said riot police in Dagestan beat and detained several people who were protesting abductions and other alleged abuses Wednesday in the volatile Russian province.


    • The protest came after what Memorial said were the abductions of three men Sunday, including two brothers it said were seized by assailants who placed sacks over their heads and took them to a building where they were beaten and tortured in an effort to extract statements from them saying they were members of militant groups.

      According to Memorial, assailants later bound the three men’s hands with tape and put them in a car along with two men abducted earlier, then poured gasoline on it and placed an explosive device in the driver’s seat. It said two of the men escaped – tossing the explosive device out of the car, where it exploded – but that the other three remained missing.


  6. Chechnya Rapidly Becoming Russia’s Algeria


    Chechnya is rapidly becoming Russia’s Algeria, according to a Moscow commentator, not only because most Russians see it as an inalienable part of their country that is nonetheless de facto separate but also because Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov is laying the groundwork now for the de jure independence of his republic.


    “For almost 200 years,” Feygin points out, Moscow has been involved in “pacifying” that region and has been “financing it without end.” But such financing has never been a means of winning over the North Caucasus but rather “has been and remains a means of freeing the central powers that be from the disturbing problems of the region.”

    “Today,” Feygin continues, “Chechnya de facto is not a full-fledged territory of Russia: the laws of the Russian Federation do not operate there, the military units of Kadyrov are not subordinate to the federal force structures and the administrative leadership and the courts function outside of any ‘power vertical.’”

    And “what, then, separates Chechnya and the Chechens from independence? Their own constitution? Given how little the Russian one means. The recognition of other states? Abkhazia and South Ossetia have not been recognized by others. The general election of the president of Chechnya? Even earlier Dudayev did not have that.”

    But despite this, and more successfully than his predecessors, Kadyrov is “leading the republic to final legal independence, and as far as politics are concerned, he has already ensured” that outcome by promoting Islamic identity — the common glue of the region — and avoiding relying too heavily on his own clan, something that would alienate others.

    For those in both Moscow and Chechnya itself who oppose Kadyrov, Feygin says, it is generally accepted that “the activization of terrorist attacks and individual clashes between the army and militia elsewhere in the North Caucasus … have one and the same source — the Chechen separatist resistance.”

    But if that is common ground, there is also a growing recognition that Moscow had only “a small number” of options after the end of the war and that “setting one group of Chechens loyal to the federal center against others … would lead to a new test of the firmness of the clan structure of traditional society in Chechnya.”

    So far, Kadyrov has been able to promote Islam as a unifying factor of Chechen society and as a means for reaching out to Middle Eastern countries who might support him and thus play down the divisions in Chechen society itself, a strategy that is likely to work until the weakening of Russian power allows him to declare independence.


    Consequently, “despite the differences between democratic France of the 1960s and authoritarian Russia of the 2000s,” Feygin says, Russians “have a chance to avoid the negative consequences of the possible separation of Chechnya and a number of other Caucasus republics, if [they] think about it in advance.”

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