Russia’s Dirty Caucasus Secrets

SBS Dateline has produced a documentary film about Russia’s secret dirty wars in the Caucasus.  Watch it here.  The following is a transcript ,which could not be more timely as Maksharib Aushev, just murdered as noted in our Special Extra below, is quoted extensively:

In the Caucasus Mountains along Russia’s southern fringe, a hidden war is escalating. Moscow says it’s battling militant Islam in the tiny republic of Ingushetia. But people here say hundreds of innocent civilians are being tortured and murdered.

REPORTER: He says, “We can no longer walk. “Our teeth have been broken, our jaws are broken. “We desperately need some help.”

They say they live in terror of a Russian security apparatus out of control.

We arrived in Nazran, the largest town in the mainly Muslim Russian Republic of Ingushetia. We were taken to a house, where we were met by a crowd of grieving women. Just a few days earlier, at 5:30 in the morning, 400 heavily armed Russian soldiers had surrounded the house.

REPORTER: And then what happened?

KHEDI, NAZRAN RESIDENT: They grabbed my son like this, placed him here. The Russians followed us, we go in first, open the doors, show them the house.

She said the soldiers dragged her outside and kept her son, Musa, here on the floor.

KHEDI: The Russians spent four to five hours right here. They wouldn’t let me in or my son out. They wouldn’t let our neighbours in. They wouldn’t let anyone go home.

Khedi led us to the front room, where she thinks the soldiers then took her son. Angry relatives tried to explain what they believe happened next. One of the relatives is saying, “You can see here the outlines of the blood stain.” They believe this is where he was tortured and killed. Next they showed me a small cellar. They told us they thought troops put Musa’s body in the cellar, then blew it up with a grenade.

SALUMBEK, MUSA’s FATHER: When they threw that grenade from the hole…see the blood on the ceiling?

They point to bits of flesh and blood that are on the side of the brick, and if you look up at the ceiling you can see the signs where the grenade blast has gone in – the shrapnel has ripped into the ceiling and the door. Rashid, a cousin of the dead man, had filmed his body. It had been torn apart.

Musa’s father, Salumbek, told us his son was 27 years old and was taking exams to be an architect. He’d just got married and had a 1-month-old baby.

REPORTER: Why is this happening? Why are the Russians doing this?

KHEDI: They need the Caucasus without us, the Caucasians. They want to destroy us. They don’t need kind peaceful people. That’s it.

Salumbek claimed young men were specifically being targeted to wipe the Ingush out as a race.

SALUMBEK: They destroy absolutely innocent people. What’s going on is the destruction of a nation.

WOMAN 1: It should stop at some point shouldn’t it? I don’t know. It shouldn’t go on.

Ingushetia is officially a self-governing part of the Russian Federation. We could see Moscow’s influence and its troops everywhere. That was just a traffic police checkpoint, but we have to be very careful how we film here. We have to keep it very low-key, because while we’ve got accreditation to work anywhere in Russia, the authorities don’t really want foreign journalists down here. For centuries, Ingushetia has been run by a system of clans. We’d been told that many of them had been targeted by Russian security forces. Maksharib Aushev heads a clan of 20,000 Ingushetians. His home is surrounded by closed circuit cameras and armed guards.

They’ve got weapons in here that they’re legally allowed to have for their own self-protection, because he fears they could be attacked at any time. Last year, Maksharib said, several truckloads of heavily armed Russian troops stormed his compound with armoured personnel carriers, or APCs.

MAKSHARIB AUSHEV: Early in the morning, at 6, two APC’s burst into the backyard over there. They crashed through the iron gate and burst into the house. One APC with a large calibre gun stopped right over here. And they used the APC, the loud speaker system in the APC to shout and swear at us. “Come out here you dicks.” That’s what they said.

They came in and smashed up the office, turned everything upside down and were shooting around the compound. They were shooting at his wife and they threw this little fellow to the side and fractured his arm.

MAKSHARIB AUSHEV: A very strong warning that I was to be killed.

Maksharib told us he believed the only reason he wasn’t killed or captured was because he wasn’t in the compound at the time of the attack. We moved away from the children to discuss the scale of the violence. Maksharib told us this wave of killing started in 2002 when Moscow installed a pro-Russian president to rule Ingushetia.

MAKSHARIB AUSHEV: From 2002 to 2004, in two years, 457 young men were murdered in Ingushetia. They are proclaimed terrorists, weapons are planted on them. Whenever a man is murdered his relatives take up arms. And where will they go for revenge? Those operatives are supported by the Russian troops, so they join the fighters.

With checkpoints on all the main intersections, we had to take back roads to move around. Rashid, the cousin of the dead man whose grieving family we had met earlier, asked to meet us at a graveyard just outside Nazran. Rashid revealed that his cousin wasn’t the only family member to be killed recently – his brother and three friends had been buried here just the week before.

RASHID: We don’t know for sure but we were told they had stumbled upon a special operation in action on the road from our village to Srednie Achaluki. They were arrested on the road.

Rashid told us he believed his brother and friends had been tortured and, to hide the signs of torture, security services had blown their bodies up in a car. Security officials said they were rebels, but Rashid denied this.

RASHID: That was the most insulting part of it. They said they were killed by their own device that they’d wanted to install. They planted a gun on them…

He told us he couldn’t fight Russia because it’s too powerful.

RASHID: Personally I have no wish, no opportunity and no resources to fight such an enormously huge state that…they hold power, they have the state behind them. They have these special services, everything.

The allegations we were hearing were shocking, but we’d been warned that if we approached the Russians about them while we were here our sources could be put in serious danger. Next day we were stopped passing through a checkpoint and taken in for questioning. At the police station we were questioned by layers of security bureaucracy. It started with the local police, immigration officials, and then we were questioned by the FSB, the Russian secret service, as to why we were here. The FSB – or Federal Security Service – is the successor of the infamous KGB. It’s responsible for Russia’s internal security and says it’s leading operations against armed Islamist rebels here in Ingushetia. We were allowed to continue on our way for now.

We got news that one of our contacts urgently wanted to meet us. She claimed she had information from inside the security services. We were told that following our detention security officials had decided we were part of an anti-Russian conspiracy to investigate human rights violations in Ingushetia. We were to be considered enemies of the state and, if caught, prevented from working and our material confiscated.

CONTACT: I was told today that foreigners aren’t supposed to get out even a scrap of data. It must be confiscated.

We’ve come further out of Nazran to meet this family that are in this apartment building here. You very much have the sense the whole place is being watched very closely so we have to be quick.

Petimat Albakavar showed us photographs of her 24-year-old son, Batheer. She told us on July 10 police came here demanding to see everyone’s passports.

PETIMAT ALBAKAVAR: We had no problem with that. We felt we’d done nothing wrong.

When her son Batheer presented his the police took him to Nazran police headquarters. She said when her son failed to return home she went to all the police stations trying to find Batheer, but she could find no trace of him anywhere.

PETIMAT ALBAKAVAR: Ten or eleven days went by. On the twelfth day in the evening, at about 8.30, we read a message on the internet.

They found out on the internet that a man with her son’s name was killed in the forest. She told us the authorities claimed Batheer was killed in a clash with government forces when he was fighting as a rebel, that he was wearing camouflage and was found dead, carrying a weapon.

PETIMAT ALBAKAVAR: What did they say? That he was a leader of terrorists, that he resisted arrest, that he had a machine gun and that he was killed. Nothing else.

When, in fact, she was here when he was dragged away by the police from this very home. Petimat showed me Batheer’s licence to work as an aircraft engineer. She said he’d been security-cleared for this job, not something given out to suspected Islamist militants. And yet he’s been killed, allegedly as a rebel. She said he had no time to go and train as a rebel – he was always doing his exams. Petimat told us, when she finally received Batheer’s body, it was covered with what appeared to be signs of torture.

PETIMAT ALBAKAVAR: Whatever. I have no idea what they did. Maybe they electrocuted him. People say they did. I’m not an expert but that’s what they say. Here on the tops of his shoulders. And his arms were covered in bruises and sores. His legs as well.

She saw two gunshot wounds, one to the heart. We wanted to verify Petimat’s claims. We’re going to see one of Ingushetia’s leading human rights workers, but it’s believed that he’s very closely watched and so to try and keep our profile down and to try and lessen the danger to him, we’re going to see him at night. Magomad Mutsolgov runs Ingushetia’s main human rights group, Mushr – which means ‘peace’ in English. Since 2002 the group has been documenting the arrests and torture of civilians in the republic. I asked him about Petimat’s case and he called up the file. He told us this was the body of Petimat’s son, Batheer. And as she said to us, you can see the signs of torture – and his arm was virtually cut off. It’s unclear whether that happened before he was dead. Magomad showed us the pictures of hundreds of people he claimed had been tortured and killed by security forces.

MAGOMAD MUTSOLGOV, MUSHR HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP, LEADER: All those kidnapped and killed, more than 1000 of them, represent a huge tragedy for a small place like Ingushetia.

Next he showed us the photograph of a 6-year-old boy, who he said was killed by government soldiers when they stormed his house. He said there were 14 children inside and the pictures showed how it was raked with automatic gunfire. Magomad said troops then drove an armoured personnel carrier into the house to make it look like there’d been a gun battle. Magomad claimed that those reporting the violence have also been targeted. Last July, he said, his deputy was kidnapped by state security and tortured to reveal the source of reports of FSB death squads.

MAGOMAD MUTSOLGOV: After he refused to confess, they tortured him and tried to make him say that I’d posted that list.

This man only spent four to five hours in the detention cell. His leg was broken and many of his internal organs were damaged. Magomad told us that he found that in addition to the 1,000 people who had been murdered since 2002, 175 people had disappeared without trace.

MAGOMAD MUTSOLGOV: First of all, out of 170 kidnapped people our police have yet to find a single one. Moreover, not a single kidnapper has been found and brought to trial for crimes committed in our republic.

He told us people can be arrested on suspicion of being a rebel, being related to a rebel, or even just being seen with a suspected rebel.

MAGOMAD MUTSOLGOV: There are people who were kidnapped purely to catch their brothers who served in illegal arms militias.

He claimed rebel attacks only started here in 2002, after Russian forces became active in Ingushetia. He said the problem has been created by the Russian security forces and the secret services by killing people, and there’s this chain of revenge now which is leading to support, growing support for the rebels. The Ingush rebels have killed around 200 Russian and Ingush police and soldiers over the past seven years. Civilians have also been injured and killed in those attacks. Moscow has said the attacks are motivated by militant Islam. Unable to meet the rebels themselves, we went to Nazran’s main mosque to ask what role religion plays in the uprising. The imam here is very nervous about speaking to us. He says we could talk about religion, but we do not want to talk about politics at all. Imam Xacamobur explained that after years of repression during Soviet times, Ingushetians were still struggling to rediscover their religion.

IMAM XACAMOBUR: Once again as I’ve said, they don’t understand our people. They don’t see what’s necessary in our daily rhythm.

He said it was dangerous for some to attend prayers because they could be treated with suspicion by the authorities, but this danger came from the state’s misunderstanding of what he called a normal religious obligation.

IMAM XACAMOBUR: It’s an ordinary thing. Nothing special about it. People have to go to prayer and purify themselves.

REPORTER: We keep hearing about so many young men who disappear here. Why is that happening?

IMAM XACAMOBUR: Honestly, I can’t answer this question because I don’t have reliable enough information. Of course people aren’t happy. They can’t understand the situation they’re in. Murders, kidnappings…they don’t understand.

The troubled Caucasus region has been blighted by conflict for centuries. Ingushetia borders Chechnya, which, after two wars, is now largely under Russian control. Many of those who for years have reported on Russian human rights abuses in Chechnya, have now turned their attention to Ingushetia. We’re called to a meeting with local journalist Heda Saratoeva. She told us a charity worker and close friend of hers had just been kidnapped in the nearby Chechnyan capital, Grozny.

HEDA SARATOEVA: Generally she was working with programs for children. Their organisation was helping poor people. Her organisation was called “Save a Generation.”

She claimed that one hour before she was seen being taken away from her home by men in uniform, and nobody knew where she was. Each day more people came forward wanting to tell us their stories. Sultan Uzkakov showed us what he claimed was evidence of a recent attack on his family. He showed me a cupboard that had been retrieved from the photographic shop owned by his two sons. It was riddled with bullet holes. There’s about eight or nine shots in to this piece of furniture, and Sultan’s got another piece here, more bullet holes. So the whole place was sprayed with automatic weapon fire. Sultan said that in January of this year he was in his garden when he heard gunfire from the street outside.

SULTAN UZAKOV: That was on Saturday. After dinner, me and my wife, in our backyard…I walk there all the time for my health. Machine gun bursts, gunshots. I told my wife “It’s not Sunday is it? No weddings?”

Witnesses later told him troops and police had stormed his son’s shop. They attacked with two APCs – armoured personnel carriers – two truck loads of troops and several Jeeps for an area he says not much bigger than a quarter of the size of this room. He said his sons, Murad, 29, and Ruslan, 26, were killed in that raid.

SULTAN UZAKOV: Well, officially, no one would say anything. I mean the authorities wouldn’t. But all of us knew it was the FSB.

Sultan told us that after the attack the government claimed his sons were rebels. He says I believe they attacked them because they need to show their bosses they’re doing something and they go round killing innocent people. He claimed that most of those being killed are hardworking, well-educated, religious young men. He believed this latest phase of killing is a continuation of a centuries-old Russian attempt to control the region. Sultan told us that if he was to complain to the authorities, then he would be the next one found dead with a weapon planted on him, and his picture sent to Moscow. Layla was married to Sultan’s son, Murad. They had two children. 3-year-old Fatima was very close to her father, but was still too young to understand why he’s no longer around, so they make up excuses.

LAYLA: Every evening, at the beginning, she’d wait for him to come back. She’s probably grown out of it now, but we haven’t forgotten her Dad. We say he’s in hospital. It’s an excuse. It’s too early to tell her, so I haven’t.

Like many of Ingushetia’s children, Fatima is likely to grow up with feelings of anger towards the Russian forces that her family believes killed her father. We contacted the FSB requesting a response to the allegations, but they didn’t respond. Russia says strong military action is needed to maintain the integrity of its southern frontier. Moscow says its actions here support its war on Islamist terror, and if it didn’t take these steps, Ingushetia could become a new home for global jihad. It had become increasingly difficult to move around Ingushetia – it was time to leave. We drove across the border into Chechnya and spent the night in the capital, Grozny. Next morning, as we prepared to fly home, we had an unexpected visitor – Heda, the Chechnyan journalist, was distraught.

REPORTER: What have you heard, Heda?

She told us that her friend Zarima, the aid worker who’d been kidnapped, had been found murdered. Her body, along with that of her husband, had been dumped in a car boot on the outskirts of Grozny. No-one had claimed responsibility.

HEDA SARATOEVA: If there was anything worth killing her for…she had nothing to do with politics or anything. They were working with children who’d been injured by mines, who’d been crippled, lost their arms and legs. Who could they interfere with? It’s just unbearable.


29 responses to “Russia’s Dirty Caucasus Secrets

  1. I watched this documentary, good jor SBS Dateline they went where very few dare to go. What is going on in Caucasus are ethnic purges, Russian barbarism in the region is just unbelivable.

    SALUMBEK: ” They destroy absolutely innocent people. What’s going on is the destruction of a nation.”

    That’s exactly what is happening.

  2. @The Ingush rebels have killed around 200 Russian and Ingush police and soldiers over the past seven years.

    And many more were killed in Ingushetia but by Chechen rebels. Abductions were also at first directed against the Chechens in Ingushetia.

    Brief history of the dirty war in Ingushetia until 2008, from the HRW report:

    When the second Chechen war started, international scrutiny was focused on Chechnya. Compared to its neighbor, Ingushetia appeared a peaceful haven, and was the subject of international attention almost entirely in connection with Chechen refugee issues. By the end of 2003, attention started to shift to a rise in attacks on Ingush police and security forces.

    Federal and Ingush authorities repeatedly claimed that rebel fighters pushed out of Chechnya found safe refuge in settlements and tent camps, hiding among the large numbers of internally displaced people.18 Nonetheless, the Russian military presence was almost non-existent in Ingushetia, and the activity of Chechen rebels mostly imperceptible.19 The first large clash between federal forces and Chechen rebels in Ingushetia took place in September 2002, when almost 200 Chechen fighters entered Ingushetia, shot down a Russian helicopter, and killed at least 17 soldiers.20

    Also in 2002, security and law enforcement agents in Ingushetia carried out abduction-style detentions and enforced disappearances, which had become hallmarks of the Chechnya conflict.22 At this time, these violations affected only Chechen displaced person, and therefore, outside observers perceived them as an extension of the human rights crisis in Chechnya.23

    After the October 2002 “Nord-Ost” hostage crisis at the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow,24 the federal government deployed more troops to Ingushetia, an indication of Russia’s decision to broaden the scope of its “counterterrorism operation” in the North Caucasus region. While previously sweep operations were very rare in Ingushetia, by summer 2003 they became frequent. In June 2003 alone, seven were carried out in displaced persons’ settlements and Ingush villages.25

    The operations followed the pattern of sweep operations or targeted raids seen in Chechnya: large groups of armed personnel, often arriving in armored personnel carriers and other military vehicles without license plates, surrounded a neighborhood or an entire village and conducted either sweep or random checks at peoples’ dwellings. The armed personnel, who were in most cases masked, did not identify themselves or provide the residents with any explanation for the operations. During the operations, many civilians were subjected to beatings and other forms of ill-treatment; some houses were looted.26

    The year 2003 also saw a marked rise in the number of abductions. Human rights defenders documented 52 abduction-style detentions, of which 41 of the victims were Chechen displaced persons.27 The authorities demonstrated unwillingness to acknowledge that the abuses even took place, let alone to investigate them and punish the security forces responsible for them. The military, security, and law enforcement agencies participating in the Ingushetia operations enjoyed complete impunity, which had long been a characteristic of the Chechnya conflict.28

    The human rights situation and security situation in Ingushetia deteriorated sharply in 2004. On the evening of June 21, a group of insurgents stormed the towns of Nazran and Karabulak, attacked law enforcement facilities, and exerted control over both towns until early the next morning.29 The insurgents were led by the infamous Chechen rebel commander Shamil Basaev, who had been the mastermind behind some of the worst terrorist attacks in Russia’s history. Basaev’s group, which led the raid, numbered several hundred, including ethnic Chechen, but also many Ingush fighters.30

    The casualties in the ranks of Ingush law enforcement personnel were overwhelming. The insurgents, dressed in camouflage uniforms and wearing masks, looked no different from military and security servicemen. They stopped people in the streets and road intersections, asking for their identification documents, and killed all those who had law enforcement personnel ID. According to official data from June 23, 2004, insurgents had killed 24 members of the Ingushetia police force, 12 officers of the republican FSB branch, and 16 policemen temporarily deployed to Ingushetia from other regions of Russia.31 The acting minister of internal affairs of Ingushetia, his deputy, and the Nazran municipal and district prosecutors also lost their lives during the raids.32


    According to the leading Russian human rights NGO, Memorial, 75 people were “abducted” in Ingushetia by law enforcement and security agencies in 2004, half of them residents of Ingushetia.38 Eventually, one of those individuals was found dead, 23 disappeared, and the others were either released after protracted interrogations and torture or appeared in remand prisons. Many of the latter were held in the remand prison of Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia, having confessed to grave crimes and incriminated other residents of Ingushetia, who would then suffer the same fate.39 Memorial documented many of these cases and asserts that during counterinsurgency operations security and law enforcement servicemen did not identify themselves or explain the reasons behind the raids. They would seize individuals allegedly involved with an illegal armed group; their families were not made aware of their respective fates or whereabouts. Those detained were tortured and subjected to psychological pressure in both legal and illegal places of detention. They were generally denied access to independent legal counsel, and were forced to sign confessions and other incriminating statements.40

    Security forces targeted strictly observant Muslims in particular, assuming their religiosity would make them likely insurgents. As described below, the insurgency in Ingushetia has a broad Islamic agenda, and a large proportion of insurgents adhered to strict interpretations of Islam. According to numerous reports, law enforcement agencies in the North Caucasus were tasked with putting together lists of so-called Wahhabis, the term being misused to describe any followers of Salafite Islam and more broadly to brand alleged supporters of insurgency and terrorism. Those on the list would generally become the first obvious victims of counterinsurgency operations.41

    The Basaev raid in 2004 clearly demonstrated that insurgent and rebel groups operating in Ingushetia included Ingush residents. Subsequent insurgent attacks in the region also relied on major involvement of Ingush fighters.42 Insurgent attacks intensified in Ingushetia in the wake of the post-Beslan counterterrorism operations. These attacks targeted law enforcement personnel, government officials, and local religious leaders who spoke against Salafite Islam.

    As for the counterinsurgency response and related human rights abuses, Memorial’s research findings for 2006 evidence a marked shift from abduction-style detentions to extrajudicial executions: 15 civilians were abducted and about 40 were killed in counterinsurgency operations.43

    2007 saw a dramatic rise in insurgent activity. The beginning of the year was marked by assassination attempts on the mufti of Ingushetia and two other religious leaders, and an attack on a military convoy in the part of North Ossetia’s Prigorodny district populated by Ingush. The attack on President Zyazikov’s family residence in the village of Barsuki on July 16, the alleged shelling of President Zyazikov’s motorcade on July 21, as well as the attack on the FSB building and the presidential palace in Magas on July 27 received particularly broad media coverage.44 While in 2006 there were 37 attacks on law enforcement personnel that resulted in deaths of 15 police officers and four civilians,45 in 2007, according to statistics provided to Human Rights Watch by Ingushetia Minister of Internal Affairs Musa Medov, 86 attacks were made on members of law enforcement agencies.46 The resultant casualty toll, according to Prosecutor of Ingushetia Yuri Turygin, was 65 servicemen killed in 2007.47


    n attempts to suppress the growing insurgency, a “special preventative operation” began in Ingushetia as of July 25, 2007: the local police force was put on permanent alert and 2,500 troops of Russia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs were deployed to the region along with several dozen armored personnel carriers (APCs). At this writing, the operation is still ongoing.57 However, it has proved to be ineffective under the circumstances, as the specially deployed servicemen soon became additional targets for the insurgents. Generally, from July to early autumn 2007, insurgent attacks were occurring several times per week and sometimes on a daily basis.58 This frequency of rebel attacks decreased a little with the arrival of colder weather but rose to the same level in the spring of 2008.59 Insurgents’ attacks continue to plague Ingushetia as of writing of this report.60

    Human rights violations perpetrated during the ongoing “special preventative operation,” as well as prior operations in 2007, are documented in this report, and have clearly contributed to a further growth in tensions. According to Memorial, in 2007 alone 29 civilians were “abducted” and approximately 40 killed by military, security, and police officials.61

    “As If They Fell From the Sky”
    Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia

  3. And from the same report, about the Ingush rebels:

    The number of insurgents in Ingushetia is unclear. Law enforcement agencies and the media have made strikingly low estimates ranging from 50 to 100 militants in the territory of the republic. While little is known about the insurgents’ structure and agenda, it appears inseparable from the insurgency in Chechnya.

    According to media reports, three major rebel groups operate in Ingushetia—Barakat (“Bliss”), Nazran, and Taliban—and are joined under the command of Akhmed Yevloev, also known as Commander Magas.63 According to Caucasus Center, “Magas”64 initially received his mandate directly from Doku Umarov,65 a prominent Chechen commander and former president of the unrecognized Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Umarov dissolved Ichkeria in October 2007 and proclaimed himself “Emir of the Caucasus Emirates.”66 “Magas’s” appointment by Umarov can be viewed,inter alia, as corroboration of the widespread opinion that the insurgents in the North Caucasus have a centralized command, the so-called Majlisul Shura (council of field commanders) led by Umarov.

    In his October 2007 statement, Umarov specifically condemned “all names that the faithless [non-Muslims] use to divide Muslims,” that is any ethnic or territorial division of the Caucasus.67 It therefore appears that after several years of symbiosis between Islamist and separatist tendencies within the armed groups, the Chechen separatist project lost to the militant Islamist approach.68

    One expert on the insurgency emphasized that the insurgency movement in the North Caucasus is of a “clearly Jihadist” nature.69 Among new recruits there may be individuals initially unfamiliar with strict interpretations of Islam and motivated by revenge for family members killed by security services, personal experiences of abduction and torture, etc. However, once such individuals join the rebel forces they become indoctrinated in strict and militant Islam.70 The insurgents’ proclaimed long-term goal is to create an Islamic state in the Caucasus.71 Their short-term agenda is far from distinct, and can be generally described as destabilizing the situation in the North Caucasus region and ousting the authorities.

    Perhaps in an effort to gain public support, since 2004 the insurgents have been generally avoiding killing Ingush or otherwise Muslim civilians in Ingushetia.72 In response to the insurgents’ attacks on law enforcement servicemen and public officials, the law enforcement and security forces carry out counterinsurgency operations that result in the killing and abduction of local residents. This only makes Ingushetia’s residents believe the insurgents are, at minimum, no worse than the authorities.73

    The dramatic rise in insurgent attacks in Ingushetia may be explained largely by Ramzan Kadyrov’s grip on Chechnya and his successful strategy of recruiting insurgents into his security forces in exchange for personal security guarantees. This has made it increasingly difficult for the insurgents to operate in Chechnya. One result is that by 2007 their efforts became largely focused on neighboring Ingushetia, whose authorities are too weak to effectively exert control over the situation and whose residents have been so frustrated by violent and lawless actions by security and law enforcement agencies that the base of support for insurgency on the ground is gradually growing.74

    (72 In the insurgents’ perception, state officials are not civilians, though this approach cannot be justified under international humanitarian law.)


    This evening chechen rebels killed two Kadyrovtsy-policemen in the Naursky-district in Northern Chechnya´s steppe! This shows,that Kadyrov and the russians are unable even to control the steppe north of the Terek-river,which is not very suitable for a guerilla-warfare! The war in Chechnya is far from over!

  5. Oh well, anytime now Michael Tal and his Borat-esque sidekicks will show up and parrot the same tired, idiotic “but America invaded Iraq” line that Russophiles always use in discussions about Russian crimes against humanity.

  6. Georgia says Russian forces abducted 16 residents
    (AFP) – 11 hours ago

    TBILISI — Georgia on Monday accused Russian forces of abducting 16 residents from within Georgian-controlled territory near the Russian-backed rebel region of South Ossetia.

    South Ossetia’s separatist administration confirmed the men had been arrested but said they had crossed into rebel-held territory.

    Georgian Interior Ministry spokesman Shota Utiashvili told AFP the residents were detained Sunday afternoon by Russian forces in the Dusheti district near the disputed Akhalgori region.

    “Sixteen men, who were collecting firewood… were kidnapped by Russian occupying forces,” he said. “We are currently working on their liberation.”

  7. Well… someday this should end.

    Russians are modern day fascists.

  8. Murdered Russian campaigner buried in Ingushetia

    SURKHAKHI, Russia, Oct 26 (Reuters) – More than 3,000 people gathered on Monday in the Russian republic of Ingushetia to bury an opposition campaigner whose murder rights groups say has underlined the slide into violence across the North Caucasus.

    Concern has mounted in recent months over the murders of human rights activists and reporters with links to the patchwork of republics which make up Russia’s southern flank in the Caucasus mountains.

    Maksharip Aushev, 43, who campaigned against what he said were abductions by the security forces, died at the wheel of his car after his vehicle was peppered with bullets as he drove to visit relatives in the nearby republic of Kabardino-Balkaria.

  9. Ingushetia: relative of special operation victims states that they were not militants

    oct 24 2009, 20:00

    Rosa Khayauri came to the place of the special operation after Aslanbek called her and said that the house was shelled. She was admitted into the house to her son. “My sister wanted to save her son, to drag him out of the house, since he had nothing to do with the guys who hid in their house. But power agents did not stop fire, and my sister and her son were killed in the shelling. Certainly, they couldn’t render any armed resistance, since had no arms. Eyewitnesses told me that Aslanbek tried to surrender, and he cried it out to power agents. Then, the witnesses heard one of the agents retold that by portable radio, and someone ordered him: ‘Whack them all!’,” said Rosa’s brother.

  10. The Jamestown Foundation

    Moscow Struggles to Stabilize Ingushetia

    Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 196
    October 26, 2009

    By: Mairbek Vatchagaev

    The Kremlin is maintaining its policy of trying to impose “external” rule on Ingushetia. The individual assigned to the post of prime minister of the republic is not only an outsider, but also an ethnic Russian. Such actions have aroused indignation within Ingushetia. For example, a leading Ingush human rights activist, Magomet Mutsulgov, publicly announced his disapproval of the federal center’s policies vis-à-vis Ingushetia, calling them an expression of mistrust of the local government on the part of the federal authorities. Mutsulgov expressed doubt that visiting officials could normalize the situation in the republic (, October 16). Websites associated with the opposition in Ingushetia posted material portraying the republic’s new Prime Minister, Aleksei Vorobyov, as a corrupt official. According to these websites, Vorobyov was involved in the release of 15 armed members of the Sufi brotherhood of Batal-Haji Belharoev, who were earlier alleged to be insurgents (, May 23). Despite Russian media reports that they were captured and detained, all of them were subsequently released without charge. The opposition websites suggest that they simply bought their way out. According to Ingushetia’s President Yunus-bek Yevkurov, he is being accused of precisely the problem that he intends to combat –corruption (, October 17).

    Not much is known about the new Prime Minister Aleksei Vorobyov. He was born in Ulyanovsk in 1964 and worked for 10 years for the federal tax service. Also, it is known that President Yevkurov and Vorobyov crossed paths during their military service, which is where their acquaintanceship took root. Vorobyov’s turbulent career in Ingushetia makes it possible that his appointment to the post of prime minister was neither an accidental nor a spontaneous decision. Until February 2009, he served in the capacity of a third-class state advisor to the Ingush president on issues involving the law enforcement agencies. On February 11, 2009, he was appointed as acting chief of the antiterrorist committee in Ingushetia. On March 24, he was appointed as the head of the republic’s Security Council (, October 16). According the newspaper Gazeta, no one was able to give any sort of description of Ingushetia’s new prime minister, since he was not known as an independent politician at either the federal or the regional level (, October 16). RBK Daily suggested that the new premier comes from the Federal Security Service (FSB) circles (, October 16), which follows the pattern of appointing FSB officers to various positions in the region. It should be remembered that Dagestan’s Interior Minister Ali Magomedov, like Vorobyov, previously held the post of Secretary of his republic’s Security Council. Ali Magomedov was an FSB general.

    President Yevkurov also called for the creation of a teip council (a teip is a Chechen tribal organization or clan), which was merely an attempt to create the impression that authorities and society are closely collaborating (, October 10). In reality, for a long time the teips have not had the kind of importance in Russian politics that is ascribed to them.

    Meanwhile, the Kremlin has tried to help President Yevkurov. A well-publicized statement claiming that the attempt on the Ingush president’s life has been solved turned out, unsurprisingly, to blame the attempted assassination of Yevkurov on the insurgents. That statement was made by the Director of the FSB Aleksandr Bortnikov. The attempted assassination was blamed on two slain rebels, Rustam Dzortov (“Abdul-Aziz”) and Abdul-Malika Aliev, who were identified as the heads of the Ingush jamaat (, October 13). It should be noted that the Ingush jamaat has always had just one unchallenged leader –emir Magas (Ahmed Yevloev). According to the FSB director, “during the last four months 19 terrorist attacks were prevented and almost 200 insurgents were killed in the North Caucasus.”

    But it is nearly impossible to determine how many true guerillas and how many innocent victims there were among those killed in the special operations ubiquitously conducted by security forces in the region. Generally, the websites of the opposition present disclaimers regarding the alleged connection of one or another of the victims to the insurgents.

    Bombings and armed attacks are everyday occurrences in Ingushetia, with several such incidents sometimes taking place during a single day. For instance, on the night of October 18, the city of Nazran was rocked by a powerful blast. It took place at the home of Adam Taziev, who is believed (by some Moscow analysts) to be a brother of emir Magas. A police officer was wounded in the Malgobek region on the same day. The morning of the October 18 started with an attack on law enforcement personnel: an explosive device went off on a road not far from a bridge across the Sunzha River as a police car was passing. At noon, another blast rang out in the outskirts of Magas. This time, it occurred just two yards away from a police post. There were no casualties among the police in either incident. On the evening of October 18, another explosion was heard in Nazran. All of this happened just 24 hours after a large-scale operation by the security forces against jamaat activities in the republic’s Sunzha district. Four alleged terrorists were killed in the operation: Nazir Gandarov, the brothers Aslan and Sulumbek Machukaev, and a woman, Roza Haiauri.

    On October 19, a car rigged with explosives and parked next to government buildings in Nazran was defused. The power of the explosive device was estimated to equal 10 kilograms of TNT (, October 19).

    It does not really matter where and when the explosions occur. What is more important is that Ingushetia remains the unquestionable de facto leader in numbers of attacks carried out by the armed opposition, despite the authorities’ claims regarding the number of eliminated insurgents. This can be explained by two factors. The first coincides with the opinion of human rights activists that innocent victims are among the people killed by the authorities. The second is that the more operations the security forces conduct in Ingushetia, the more people join the Ingush jamaat.

    In any case, one can conclude that the large-scale counter-insurgency operations targeting Ingush rebels launched this past May, in which Chechen policemen have participated, have done nothing to fundamentally improve the situation in republic.

  11. Нам лень все это читать! Пиши конкретно урод!

  12. Window on Eurasia: Russian Security Officers May Have Murdered Ingush Opposition Figure, Yevkurov Says
    Paul Goble

    Vienna, October 27 – Ingush President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov says that “the force structures could have taken part” in the murder of Maksharip Aushev, because “officers of law enforcement organs sometimes participate in fights among bandit groups.” But that does not mean, he adds, that “the powers that be have given them such taskings.”
    Yevkurov’s statement, made in an interview on Ekho Moskvy and published today in “Vremya novostey,” calls attention to what may be the most disturbing aspect of this latest murder of an opposition figure: the increasing extent to which those nominally in power do not effectively control Russia’s security agencies (
    And while Yevkurov added that he was “inclined” toward a different explanation for this murder, the Ingushetia president’s willingness to acknowledge this possibility likely is more immediately significant: After all, his predecessor Murat Zyazikov was removed after Magomed Yevloyev, one of Zyazikov’s most vocal opponents, died while in MVD custody.
    But regardless of what the investigation reveals or doesn’t about who was behind this killing, Sergey Markedonov, one of Moscow’s most thoughtful observers of the North Caucasus, argues today that it is already possible to draw “certain preliminary political results” from this case (
    Like Yevloyev, Markedonov points out, Aushev was not only the owner of the but a leading member of “the secular opposition” in the North Caucasus, someone who regularly criticized “not only the republic’s powers that be but also radical extremist Islamism.”
    His murder – and the Moscow analyst says that preliminary reports from the scene of the crime over the weekend suggest that it was carried out in a “professional” way – thus removes from the scene precisely the kind of individual who could help create civic center between the radicals and those in Moscow who believe that force is the only proper response to radicalism.
    In an essay on the portal yesterday, Markedonov suggests that there are three conclusions that should be drawn now. First, he says, this murder shows that “the electoral successes of the ruling party [United Russia] and the proud reports about the stabilization of the situation [in the North Caucasus] are far from reality.”
    Indeed, the Moscow political analyst suggests that the way in which Moscow insisted that the elections be carried out had the effect of undercutting and isolating precisely those like Aushev who could, were more competitive contests to be permitted, attract local people who otherwise will be more inclined to support the radicals.
    Second, Markedonov continues, Aushev’s murder represents “not simply a challenge to media freedom or the activities of non-governmental organizations as such. It is a challenge to Russian statehood in exactly the same way the murder of the head of the Daghestani MVD and the assassination attempt against the president of Ingushetia were.”
    That is not “a beautiful metaphor,” Markedonov says, “and even more it is not a gift to official Kremlin propaganda.” That is because Maksharip Aushev was a member of the expert council of the apparatus of the human rights ombudsman in Russia” and thus an official of the Russian state, however few reports about his death have pointed that out.
    And third, the longtime observer of developments in the Caucasus says, Aushev’s murder is tragically typical. “With rare exceptions, those very human rights activists” who have been killed in that region “have condemned extremist and terrorist methods of struggle and demanded from the Russian authorities [only] that they observe Russian (and not some other) law.”
    In that sense, Markedonov argues, “it is impossible to overrate their role in preventing the splitting apart of the country,” however few among the powers that be understand the significance of people like Aushev for the future of the North Caucasus and indeed of Russia as a whole.
    Russians must “stop considering the murders of leaders of social groups and NGOs as some kind of ‘risk’ of those professions,” he said, and instead recognize that “the murders of those who are trying to improve the quality of the powers that be – including law enforcement structures, which are the basis of the state machine – are a direct challenge to the state.”
    The only people who benefit from such murders, Markedonov concludes, are either radicals who want to destabilize the situation or those “who want to convert [the state] into a profitable private business, in which there exists only one goal – superprofits not constrained by law or other standards.”

  13. VI. Extrajudicial Executions

    Memorial estimates that security personnel were responsible for up to 40 killings of civilians in counterinsurgency operations in Ingushetia between January and December 2007.110In this report Human Rights Watch documented eight such cases of unlawful killings by law enforcement officials, and one case of attempted unlawful killing, in Ingushetia in 2007,111 and identified a pattern of extrajudicial executions there. In all but one of those eight cases, security services justified the killing by claiming the victim had been violently resisting arrest. Immediately after the killing, the authorities would bring criminal charges against the deceased of attempting to kill law enforcement agents, membership in an illegal armed group, and illegal weapons possession. The investigation of those charges was then promptly closed in light of the suspect’s death.


    Islam Belokiev and his parents bought and sold spare car parts at a market in Nazran. On August 30, 2007, security forces killed 20-year-old Islam Belokiev at the market. According to witnesses, at around 4 p.m. Belokiev was heading for the market exit when several men in a car parked near the market called out to him. They opened fire as soon as he turned in their direction.

    Witnesses saw the wounded Belokiev fall to the ground and then be immediately surrounded by armed plainclothes security personnel, who prevented anyone from approaching the scene.122 Soon other uniformed security personnel in masks, armored vests, and helmets appeared, and were joined by armed servicemen who arrived in an armored personnel carrier. Witnesses report that Belokiev was still alive and moving feebly, but the armed personnel neither gave him medical assistance nor allowed anyone to come to his aid. By the time medical professionals and officials from the prosecutor’s office were allowed to enter the market, Belokiev had bled to death.


    On September 2, 2007, 22-year-old Apti Dalakov and several friends were walking out of a video games club on Oskanov Street in Karabulak when two Gazel minibuses without license plates stopped next to them. After up to 30 armed servicemen jumped out of the vans and aimed their weapons at them. The young men tried to run away. The servicemen immediately started chasing them.

    The incident was witnessed by many bystanders who later told the Dalakovs that Apti Dalakov crossed Jabagiev Street and rushed into the yard of a former kindergarden, called Ryabinka.127 Two of the servicemen caught up with him and started shooting. Dalakov was wounded and fell. One of the servicemen, who was dressed in civilian clothes and masked his face with his own shirt, fired at Dalakov several times and finished him off with a shot to the head before placing a small object in his hand.

    Local police and riot police arrived at the scene of the killing, searched the unknown servicemen, identified them as Federal Security Service (FSB) officers, and took them to the Karabulak police department. However, high-level officials of the FSB’s Ingushetia branch arrived shortly thereafter and demanded that police release the servicemen and return their weapons and ammunition, including the shells collected at the site of the crime.


    The killing that created the greatest resonance in Ingushetia and caused vocal public protests was that of a six-year-old boy named Rakhim Amriev. Security personnel killed him and wounded his mother in the course of an operation allegedly aimed at detaining a distant relative of his parents.

    Early in the morning of November 9, 2007, up to 100 military and security personnel arrived in the village of Chemulga, in the south of Ingushetia, in three APCs and numerous other vehicles. They closed off several streets, including the street where the Amriev family lived.

    The Amrievs were awoken by the noise at around 6:30 a.m. and heard a command on a loudspeaker: “Women and children, come out!” By the time the four children and their parents approached the door, three armed servicemen broke into their house and immediately opened fire. Rakhim Amriev was instantly killed; his mother, Raisa, was wounded in her arm. The family, including the wounded woman, was then forced to leave the house barefoot and in their nightclothes. The servicemen started shooting and throwing grenades at the empty house.


    About a dozen of the servicemen broke into the house and continued shooting. Fasiman, dazed by the shooting, was still sitting on her bed in the room that she shared with her youngest son, 11-year-old Said-Akhmet, when Ruslan, already wounded, stumbled into the room and fell on the floor close to the bed. He was followed by several servicemen who continued to fire their guns. Several bullets hit the walls, one of them flying just above the head of Said Akhmet, who was crouching by the corner of a couch. Said-Magomed was killed near the door to his bedroom.146

    The servicemen took Fasiman, Madina, Tagir, and Said-Akhmet into the yard without allowing them to get dressed. The Galaevs saw them throw several grenades into the house. The attackers had Tagir take the bodies of his brothers outside and ordered the crying women and the boy to sit by the corpses.

    The Galaevs’ yard was surrounded by two APCs and a dozen armored UAZ vans. The servicemen numbered about 100. Several of them seized Tagir and dragged him from the yard, beating him on the way. They refused to tell Fasiman where her elder son was being taken.


    Khusein’s brother, Khasan Mutaliev, got into a car and followed the servicemen from a distance. He saw their vehicles stopped by Ingush road police at some point. After a brief interaction with the policemen, they proceeded in the direction of North Ossetia. In response to Khasan Mutaliev’s pleas, one of the policemen explained that the servicemen had identification documents from the North Caucasus Group for Operative Supervision, a counterterrorism unit,155 and therefore could not be interfered with.

    On the next day, March 16, Ingush policemen came to the Mutalievs with Khusein’s body. They said he had been taken to Vladikavkaz, where he died in a hospital. Prosecutorial authorities filed posthumous criminal charges against Khusein Mutaliev, as the servicemen claimed that he had a grenade and attempted to put up armed resistance when they came to arrest him. The case was promptly closed by virtue of the suspect being dead.

    A piece of internal correspondence between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Justice, made available to Human Rights Watch, indirectly acknowledges law enforcement responsibility for Mutaliev’s death. In the correspondence, regarding the need to stop transferring Ingush detainees to Vladikavkaz, Russia’s minister of internal affairs noted the public outrage prompted by the death of Khusein Mutaliev, who was “delivered from Ingushetia to the remand prison in Vladikavkaz.”156

    In February 2007, several weeks before his killing, Khusein Mutaliev had come to the office of Memorial in Nazran and asked for protection. He explained that because he had studied in Egypt the security services had apparently branded him an Islamic extremist, and he had already suffered detention and torture.


    On July 4, 2007, in the Nasyr-Kort district of Nazran, unidentified servicemen attempted to kill 23-year-old Adam Malsagov, and endangered the life of his sister and cousins, who are minors.

    Malsagov’s parents told Human Rights Watch that on July 4 Adam Malsagov was caring for his sick grandmother, who lives near Malsagov’s home. Close to 3 p.m. his cousins, 11-year-old Timur Khalukhoev and 13-year-old Ismail Khalukhoev, came to see him. The boys told him that a silver VAZ vehicle was parked closed to the apartment building where Malsagov and his cousins live. They were worried because the car did not move and the people inside seemed to be waiting for something.166

    Adam Malsagov decided to check what was going on and returned home with his cousins. When they entered the yard, Adam’s sister, 15-year-old Aina, came out of the building and joined them. At that point, three armed men in camouflage uniforms entered the yard. Without any warning they opened fire, apparently aiming at Adam, but missed; one of the bullets hit a pipe just above Adam’s head. Aina was paralyzed with fright, but Adam and the boys broke into a run. The attackers continued shooting but again missed. Once they realized that Adam escaped, they called someone on the radio and a few minutes later around 40 servicemen arrived in an APC and Gazel minibuses and surrounded the Malsagov’s building.

  14. bla-bla-bla-bla…..

  15. Zakaev accuses Russian intelligence of provocation against Georgia
    26.10.09 18:07

    Former vice Premier of the Republic of Chechnya, Ahmed Zakaev asserts that Russian Foreign Ministry plans to hand over the documents to the Un Security Council, as evidence proving the ties of Georgian intelligence with Al Qaida. Zakaev spoke about the plans of Russian FSB with one of the Russian newspapers. He said the statement by the Russian senior official, Bortnikov, who accused Georgian intelligence of cooperating with the Emir of the Caucasus, Doku Umarov. Zakaev believes this statement was the part of the Russian intelligence plan, which aims at destructing small nations in the Caucasus.
    `This project was prepared since long ago, because they want to turn our liberating movement into the fight against terrorism,` Zakaev said.

  16. That is so typical of russians- to accuse someone else of what they themselves are doing. Georgia and Al Qaida pleeeese, so stupid.

  17. It`s dirty lie about my country, our soldiers und ingushetia`s policemen. It`s lie. I advice to that journalist crew to visit Irak or Afganistan firstly. Their report would be more available for American`s troops in these countries.

  18. Ingushetia: A second Chechnya?

    On October 25, Maksharip Aushev, an Ingush businessman and civil opposition leader, was murdered by unknown gunmen who sprayed his car with more than 60 bullets.

    Shortly before his death, filmmakers Dom Rotheroe and Antony Butts spoke with him for their film on the conflict in the Russian republic of Ingushetia.

    • Many believe it is Russia’s FSB, the former KGB, that is orchestrating the cycle of violence in Ingushetia.

      Their agents have even been caught firing on Ingush policemen, raising suspicions that Moscow is deliberately keeping the fractious north Caucasus destablised in order to justify its controlling military presence.

      Others believe the motive is also the money that those in power can make from conflict.

      “As the Russian saying goes, ‘It is good fishing in troubled waters.’ These kind of civil wars are started to make it easier to steal money,” Maksharip said.

      Suspicion of the FSB here is reminiscent of Soviet times. Several human rights campaigners have been killed in the north Caucasus in the last few years.

      About 150 people have been missing in Ingushetia for several years
      Aslambek Paev, a human rights campaigner, told us: “Everything is monitored. You have to be very careful and observant when you work. Probably I’m the next one.

      “What difference does it make for us? We know we’re dead anyway, that sooner or later they’ll kill us.”

  19. Robert
    und ist and in German. Deutsch ist meine erst Fremdsprache.

  20. TBILISI, October 29 (RIA Novosti) – Tbilisi authorities have decided to name a street in Vake-Saburtalinsky district of Georgia’s capital after Russian investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was shot dead by an unknown killer three years ago.

    Novaya Gazeta reporter Politkovskaya, who gained international recognition for her reporting of atrocities against civilians in the troubled North Caucasus republic of Chechnya, was gunned down in an elevator in her Moscow apartment building on October 7, 2006.

    In February, a Moscow court acquitted three men charged with involvement in the shooting of Politkovskaya, but the Supreme Court overturned the ruling and ordered a retrial.

    The Tbilisi authorities also said another street in the capital would be named after Sofiko Chiaureli, a Georgian actress, who played more than 100 roles and was awarded Best Actress seven times at various international festivals. She died on March 2 last year in Tbilisi, after a long illness.

  21. [once again] Strasbourg court fines Russia $192,000 over missing Chechens

    PARIS, October 29 (RIA Novosti) – The Strasbourg court has fined Russia 130,000 euros ($192,000) over the disappearance in 2000 of three people in its North Caucasus republic of Chechnya, the court said in a press release on Thursday.

    The three cases concerned the applicants’ allegations that their close relatives disappeared in Chechnya after having been detained by Russian servicemen, the European Court of Human Rights said.

    Mairudin Khantiyev, 37, was taken away by a group of armed men in camouflage uniforms in the Chechen capital of Grozny in December 2000.

    Yusup Sabatayev, 32, and Kazbek Vakhayev, 35, were arrested on 23 February and 1 August, 2000, respectively.

    According to the court, although the Russian government admitted the detention of both Satabayev and Vakhayev, it failed to provide any documents to confirm the arrests, subsequent detention or release.

    “The applicants maintained that their relatives had never been released, and they had subsequently identified from video footage their relatives’ bodies which had been found near the village of Goy-Chu,” the court said.

    The court accused the Russian authorities of an unjustified use of “lethal force by their agents” or failure to otherwise account for the deaths. It also found that Russia had conducted no effective investigations into the three disappearances.

    Therefore, the court judged that the applicants be awarded a total of 114,000 euros ($168,225) of damages, and 16,540 euros ($24,360) for costs and expenses.

  22. Putin’s Hidden War

  23. A.
    Maybe my Englisch and German are bad. My native language is only Russian – language of the future. So it`s not a problem because of my job is not translator. But I see that you understand me very well and it`s showing me that my englisch and german are not so bad. Just you are apes and you have nothing to answer me something. YOU SHOULD KEEP YOUR DIRTY MUZZLES KLOSED!

    • Wonderful. More illiterate rambiling.

      “language of the future.”

      Um, ignorant much?

      Demographics+ History+ Conflict + Potential territorial issues (see China and Siberia) mean that is probably an illusion.

      “So it`s not a problem because of my job is not translator.”

      That would be if you have the grace to not go over here and spread your pro-Putin gospel. As it is, it definitively IS your problem.

      “But I see that you understand me very well and it`s showing me that my englisch and german are not so bad. ”


      “Just you are apes and you have nothing to answer me something. ”

      Let’s see here: Ad Hominem + Incomprehensibility = very stupid quote.

      Perhaps I was too GENEROUS while evaluating you previously.


      Typical stupidity.


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